Friday, November 11, 2016

New Scientist – Code hidden in Stone Age Art

When she first saw the necklace, Genevieve von Petzinger feared the trip halfway around the globe to the French village of Les Eyzies-de-Tayac had been in vain. The dozens of ancient deer teeth laid out before her, each one pierced like a bead, looked roughly the same. It was only when she flipped one over that the hairs on the back of her neck stood up. On the reverse were three etched symbols: a line, an X and another line.


Von Petzinger, a palaeoanthropologist from the University of Victoria in Canada, is spearheading an unusual study of cave art. Her interest lies not in the breathtaking paintings of bulls, horses and bison that usually spring to mind, but in the smaller, geometric symbols frequently found alongside them. Her work has convinced her that far from being random doodles, the simple shapes represent a fundamental shift in our ancestors’ mental skills.

The first formal writing system that we know of is the 5000-year-old cuneiform script of the ancient city of Uruk in what is now Iraq. But it and other systems like it – such as Egyptian hieroglyphs – are complex and didn’t emerge from a vacuum. There must have been an earlier time when people first started playing with simple abstract signs. For years, von Petzinger has wondered if the circles, triangles and squiggles that humans began leaving on cave walls 40,000 years ago represent that special time in our history – the creation of the first human code.

Wednesday, November 09, 2016

Harry Belafonte – What Do We Have to Lose? Everything

New York Times 7 Nov 2016


I say it plain,
America never was America to me,
And yet I swear this oath —
America will be!”

— Langston Hughes, “Let America Be America Again”

What old men know is that everything can change. Langston Hughes wrote these lines when I was 8 years old, in the very different America of 1935.

It was an America where the life of a black person didn’t count for much. Where women were still second-class citizens, where Jews and other ethnic whites were looked on with suspicion, and immigrants were kept out almost completely unless they came from certain approved countries in Northern Europe. Where gay people dared not speak the name of their love, and where “passing” — as white, as a WASP, as heterosexual, as something, anything else that fit in with what America was supposed to be — was a commonplace, with all of the self-abasement and the shame that entailed.

It was an America still ruled, at its base, by violence. Where lynchings, and especially the threat of lynchings, were used to keep minorities away from the ballot box and in their place. Where companies amassed arsenals of weapons for goons to use against their own employees and recruited the police and National Guardsmen to help them if these private corporate armies proved insufficient. Where destitute veterans of World War I were driven from the streets of Washington with tear gas and bayonets, after they went to our nation’s capital to ask for the money they were owed.

Much of that was how America had always been. We changed it, many of us, through some of the proudest struggles of our history. It wasn’t easy, and sometimes it wasn’t pretty, but we did it, together. We won voting rights for all. We ended Jim Crow, and we pushed open the Golden Door again to welcome immigrants. We achieved full rights for women, and fought to let people of all genders and sexual orientations stand in the light. And if we have not yet created the America that Langston Hughes swore will be — “The land that never has been yet” — if there is still much to be done, at least we have advanced our standards of humanity, hope and decency to places where many people never thought we could reach.

What old men know, too, is that all that is gained can be lost. Lost just as the liberation that the Civil War and Emancipation brought was squandered after Reconstruction, by a white America grown morally weary, or bent on revenge. Lost as the gains of our labor unions have been for decades now, pushed back until so many of us stand alone in the workplace, before unfettered corporate power. Lost as the vote is being lost by legislative chicanery. Lost as so many powerful interests would have us lose the benefits of the social welfare state, privatize Social Security, and annihilate Obamacare altogether.

If he wins this Tuesday, Donald J. Trump would be, at 70, the oldest president ever elected. But there is much about Mr. Trump that is always young, and not in a good way. There is something permanently feckless and immature in the man. It can be seen in how he mangles virtually the same words that Langston Hughes used.

When Hughes writes, in the first two lines of his poem, “Let America be America again/ Let it be the dream it used to be,” he acknowledges that America is primarily a dream, a hope, an aspiration, that may never be fully attainable, but that spurs us to be better, to be larger. He follows this with the repeated counterpoint, “America never was America to me,” and through the rest of this remarkable poem he alternates between the oppressed and the wronged of America, and the great dreams that they have for their country, that can never be extinguished.

Mr. Trump, who is not a poet, either in his late-night tweets or on the speaker’s stump, sees American greatness as some heavy, dead thing that we must reacquire. Like a bar of gold, perhaps, or a bank vault, or one of the lifeless, anonymous buildings he loves to put up. It is a simplistic notion, reducing all the complexity of the American experience to a vague greatness, and his prescription for the future is just as undefined, a promise that we will return to “winning” without ever spelling out what we will win — save for the exclusion of “others,” the reduction of women to sexual tally points, the re-closeting of so many of us.

With his simple, mean, boy’s heart, Mr. Trump wants us to follow him blind into a restoration that is not possible and could not be endured if it were. Many of his followers acknowledge that (“He may get us all killed”) but want to have someone in the White House who will really “blow things up.”

What old men know is that things blown up — customs, folkways, social compacts, human bodies — cannot so easily be put right. What Langston Hughes so yearned for when he asked that America be America again was the realization of an age-old people’s struggle, not the vaporous fantasies of a petty tyrant. Mr. Trump asks us what we have to lose, and we must answer, only the dream, only everything.

Harry Belafonte is an artist and activist.

Sunday, November 06, 2016

5 November – Doctors For Refugees Rally Around Australia

Sydney

Hyde Park Sydney
Hyde Park Sydney
Sydney

Sydney

Geelong


Friday, November 04, 2016

Robert Burns Stamp

Robert Burns – Russian Stamp

Thursday, November 03, 2016

When Australia said ‘NO’ to conscription

Peace activists gathered at Addison Road Community Centre in Marrickville last week to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the defeat of the WWI conscription referendum. Two referendums took place under the Prime Ministership of Billy Hughes, the first one in October 1916 and then again in December 1917—both referendums were successfully defeated by the growing Anti-Conscription Movement

Original Anti-Conscription Banner from the Sydney Trades Hall Collection
Hall Greenland, Mark Gregory, Drew Cottle,  Rowan Cahill, Colleen Burke
Speaking at the event, activist Hall Greenland said it was “the greatest victory for grass roots democracy in the history of Australia.” Mr Greenland said the “no” vote defied those in power at the time and that during both campaigns anti-conscriptionists fought hard to battle the strict censorship regulations that were introduced as a war time measure.

“In favour of conscription were five of the six state Premiers, the Prime Minister, all the leaders of the opposition, every major newspaper, every chamber of commerce. Everybody expected conscription would carry the day,” said Mr Greenland. In his analysis of the two referendums he pointed out that the majority of womens votes in all states were "NO"votes.

Historian and author Douglas Newton said it was important to commemorate this unique event. “When one of the nations involved (in WWI) asked its people, are you willing to give a blank cheque to the generals to fight on as long as it takes, the people said ‘no’. “They defied all the editorials, the great weight of the press, the emergency legislation and the government and said ‘no’,” said Mr Newton.

Drew Cottle is an historian and senior lecturer at the University of Western Sydney and said the anniversary was a timely reminder to acknowledge the important issues underlying the vote.
“We’re in a period now that glorifies ANZAC and glorifies Australia’s military record but doesn’t consider that Australians in two referenda, in separate years, narrowly voted against military conscription.”

Dr Cottle credited the defeat of the vote to unions such as the Industrial Workers of the World (known as Wobblies) and the Labor Party. He also noted the important role that women played in defeating the conscription referenda. Dr Cottle said that despite widespread censorship, “mothers, wives, sisters, aunts were learning of the young men who were being killed at the front.”

Historian and author Rowan Cahill sketched the WW1 military career of his grandfather Trooper Dalton, a member of the Light Horse, and of his post-war experience as a pioneer participant in the failed Milperra soldier settler scheme on the outskirts of Sydney. It was an overall experience that ended traumatically in Dalton’s death in 1919 in one of the worst mental institutions in NSW. Cahill told of the impact of this upon his mother, Dalton’s youngest daughter, and in turn upon his stand as a conscientious objector in 1965. As Cahill said, “Trooper Dalton cast a long shadow”.

Historian and poet, Colleen Burke said women’s groups such as the Women’s Political Association and the Women’s Peace Army were instrumental in rallying for the anti-conscription cause. “They organised a huge anti-conscription demonstration in Melbourne. It started off with a few thousand people, but by the time they got to the Yarra bank they had between 50 to 80,000.” Ms Burke said that while it was a peaceful rally, the newspapers at the time reported it differently. “The Age headline was: ‘Acts of Violence-Wild scenes of disorder attended a women’s anti-conscription demonstration in the city” she said.

Historian and folklorist Mark Gregory reviewed the extensive record of Anti-Conscription songs, poems and cartoons – clear expressions of the Anti-Conscription movement which was bolstered by the combined efforts of the "Womens Peace Army", the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), the trade unions, the majority of Labor Party members, women voters and also the soldiers at the front.

Hannah Middleton, a lifelong peace activist, said it was important to remember the carnage of WWI in order to understand current worldwide conflicts.

“The loss of life in WWI is an exemplar of just how appalling war is. We should have reached a stage of civilisation in how we resolve matters in other ways. Humanity is precious and we see the destruction of thousands upon thousands of young men, again and again, just for a few yards. “And as we say it about WWI, about Passchendaele and Ypres, we have to say it about Syria.”

The event also recognised the anti-conscriptionists of the Vietnam War period and an honour wall for peace was unveiled at the entry to the community centre.